Introduction. On December 13, 2009 will be produced for election to the presidency of the Republic of Chile. And the truth is that the country at the end of the world walks stirred the political scene as its economy continues to walk on the path of the Chilean economic miracle. While it is true that he has suffered a slight setback due to the financial crisis that has ravaged the planet in recent quarters.
During the 20 years of democracy, Chile has been able to successfully combine the consolidation of democratic institutions and structural reforms have led to good economic dynamics. Thus, it is one of the countries the region where more has reduced the rate of poverty and illiteracy, which is less than 2.5%. Shade in this light we find that the difference between those who earn more and less has increased, one of the largest on the continent.
Politically, the Chilean state is considered as democratic development index developed by the German Konrad Adenauer Foundation and the Internet portal Polilat.com Latin American politics as the leader of Latin America.
In this sense, the English Prime Minister Jose Luis Rodriguez Zapatero, said a couple of years that English companies were " taste "in Chile because they work in a 'serious and modern," "an example for Latin America and the world" (1)
The presidential system of coalitions and balotage been able to generate greater stability due to the reduction of the political spectrum that occurred during the transition. This factor during the time of that could be vital, but today there has been a delinking between civil society and political parties became evident that the liberal and presidential system is in crisis. Disconnected groups are seeking new ways of participation and as such a new democratic process is being sued. In this sense, the state should return to center negotiations between groups, as it was during the time of the ISI and as is starting to be in the Bachelet government. Semipresidentialism reelection and more powers to parliament, deepening decentralization and participatory democracy may be some viable solutions to address this democratic deficit. But the truth is that the rigidity of the constitution of 1980 and the stagnation of the political elite, this change is in sight really stuck. The delinking of these groups occurs during the transition, resulting in a rearrangement of the elites and leaving the Communist Party out of the political game and more specifically cornering margin capable of governing partnerships.
So from my point of view, the Chilean presidential system has been inefficient from the point of view of legitimacy in making decisions of leaders to citizens due to various factors. First to increase presidential powers and the consequent reduction of the parliamentarian. Other important factors are the previously mentioned delinking and the creation of an elite institution and the centralization of power.
The coalition agreement as hegemonic. The conclusion comes when the opposition against the military junta is strengthened in the 80's. In this time, the Christian Democrats turned their position with the aim of defending human rights and therefore. Began working with some parties and organization of the political spectrum on the left.
At the same time the economic crisis in 80 years, emerged a state crisis. Social demands crystallized and the elites saw the need to adapt to new social and political context. Political elites, along with the traditional political parties mobilized a protest against the continuation of authoritarian rules and pro-establishment and began to negotiate the return of the military to the barracks. Thus, civilian elites were negotiating agreements that could facilitate the transition to civilian rule and democracy. (2)
Another cause of the formation of the conclusion is that foreign aid was opposed by the international structures of the national parties like the Socialist International (3) and programs of U.S. Human Rights (4 )
political parties were in the plebiscite of 1988 the opportunity to formalize a necessary political change through peaceful means and with the support of external actors. Decided to take the form of multi-party agreement under the 1980 constitution. In fact it was the only way to set application. Thus, Christian Democrats, PPD, PS and the Radical Party formed a coalition of parties with the aim of winning the 1988 referendum. The Communists were excluded from the political game from the spot. After winning the presidential elections were held plebiscite which attended as political education.
But it was not an easy process, because in the words of Linz and Caverrozi the Chilean military had a stronger position in the transition process to other dictatorships of the same kind in the Southern Cone. This was possible because they created the constitution and therefore established the rules of the game.
Michelle, My girl. When Bachelet came to power, promised to be a different policy. This statement of intent was not new in the history of Chilean democracy and the promise of a closer relationship with citizens has been an eternal constant in politics in the country. But given the 76% approval rating, one of the largest in the Americas, seems to have achieved the goal promised by their innovative work in the field, which has caused many Chileans watch as a protective figure, is that as the Mother of the nation.
The fact is that Bachelet was not easy. Former minister of defense and divorced mother, reopened the big malls to be elected the first president of the Southern Cone without the condition of a widow's political reputation. But it was his experience at the head of a military institution with a strong conservative and patriarchal tradition, which gave the doctor the influence Bachelet to address the critical needs of a society that male political thought.
Victim of Pinochet's regime, continues to pursue the same goals during her youth but in a more pragmatic as reflected in these statements:
I love what the Greeks said: "Pragmatism is the ability to realize Dreams. " It's true! In the end, no question to be pragmatic and be pragmatic, but because we've basically managed to reduce poverty, we have succeeded in making a country develops. (5)
According to The Economist (Sept, 17th, 2009) is based on success that has forced some compromises such as moving heavy weights in the cabinet and delegate more. The second reason is that, while carrying out a fiscal rigor (in some political costs) choose to develop social protection policies and promoting equality of opportunity, its main priority. His government is building kindergartens for poor children 3.500. Has introduced a universal minimum pension and free health care has expanded to cover many situations. Its housing policy provides good quality homes in neighborhoods models. (6)
Election 2010 and the new political scene. A presidential election December 13, 2009 attended by four candidates: Marco Enríquez Ominami, Sebastián Piñera, Eduardo Frei and Jorge Arrate. In this analysis I will focus on the first three because, according to opinion polls, are the three candidates vying for access to the second round.
The constitution sets the Chilean political system requires that voters who want to go to vote in elections, unlike in Europe, must be registered on the electoral roll. Thus the registered quota is less than qualified people to exercise the vote. This is a traditional factor in Latin American presidential systems, which encourages apathy towards politics and especially young people. In this regard, we register the awareness campaigns that have carried out consultation both as an independent candidate for the highest number of young people enrolled on the electoral roll.
traditional Issues Another presidential election when they occur is the eternal debate of the election. The liberal republics of South America born with the example of American presidentialism where there is a limitation the maximum term of 2 periods and a strong separation of powers. However, the limited mandate to only one presidential term in Chile is marked by the 1980 Constitution and to the fear of the military and continued strong government that would institute reforms and political trials of the former regime.
addition, the debate presidential / parliamentary system is marked by a deep tradition of the first in the continent. But from my point of view, could cause a shoulder semipresidentialism presidential powers through greater control of the cameras and therefore could be given the ability to avoid the endless argument reelection of populism and the perpetuation of a leader in power. So political leaders would not be obsolete once won the elections and could carry out long-term major projects without thinking on revenue of immediate popularity. In the current context and to a hypothetical election to re-election, President Bachelet would continue another four years in La Moneda.
The fact that the candidate of the consultation does not start as a favorite is another of the factors influencing the elections and the electoral campaign. For the first time since the elections that took place after the referendum, the election dispute agreement to the contras. The fact that they are the first elections Pinochet is another factor no less important. We consider
Marco Enríquez Ominami as an outsider who appears in the Chilean political scene in coalitional competition. It has no stable party structures nor pictures extremely adept at the art of government. Is supported by some former members of the dialogue that took the road as the wayward and the Humanist party structure. However, due to its origins and its political activity in recent years as the "unruly member" can say that if that is part of the country's elite. In this sense, Marco Enríquez-Ominami is a television producer and part of the tradition of the Chilean left. Hence the tired heroes documentary which examines the transformation of the elites of the left during the transition and its willingness to deal with the military inaction to achieve democracy. Career philosopher and filmmaker by profession, at age 36 Marco Enríquez Ominami, son of MIR leader Miguel Enriquez, is a serious candidate in the presidential race. ME-O
comes as demand for reclamation within the political system and disenchanted voters hope they want a break from the establishment. In this sense, reflects the demands of the groups mentioned above were the delinking. Because
to lack of space to compete in a primary in the alleged agreement, the candidate decided to run independently thereby giving up his membership in the Socialist Party.
depletion of the conclusion, after nearly 20 years of rule is a consequence of the absence of renewal of its domes leaders and key players in the coalition. Here we find one of the reasons why not spread the popularity and approval by the Chilean President Bachelet. This model agreement is clinched.
Ricardo Lagos himself acknowledged that the arrival of the deputy "ordered to retire" to leaders first division of the Coalition are now "old cracks." And the diagnosis is common: the popularity of presidential candidate is a clear call for the renewal of the leadership faces in ruling. The issue is debated especially in the PS and PPD, which began to articulate movement towards internal elections, scheduled for April or May 2010. But it has also taken renewed strength in the DC.
For example, Congressman Fulvio Rossi, the PS, says that "The application of Enriquez-Ominami made clear what many have long wanted to hide and that is the need to produce a replacement, (7)
The presidential recandidatura Eduardo Frei Ruiz-Tagle, son of Frei, after 10 years of his tenure in the currency is at least, exemplary of the patent lack of feedback we've spoken.
This nomination is the biggest strategic mistake that has been taking concerted action because it represents all those negative values \u200b\u200bwhich society identifies with the early maturity of democracy in the country. First, the stagnation and despotism of the political elite who have survived the years and even over generations.
Secondly, because it represents the adaptation of elites and the pact that developed in Chile during the Chilean transition to democracy. In this sense, Eduardo Frei advance in the recovery of historical memory and in recognition of victims of dictatorship or the deepening of the trial by the responsibilities of crimes against humanity that occurred in that gray period in the history of the Chilean state.
It is true that some constitutional improvements took place during his administration, as well as economic growth was accompanied by an improvement in international relations of the state, which places Chile in the first row of the Latin American scene.
The current strategy of Eduardo Frei is the search of the vote on the left before a possible second round against the candidate of the Alliance Sebastián Piñera. In this sense, has declared heir Frei and Salvador Allende, forgetting that the shift of the DC during the Allende period facilitated the instability of this government. This statement may form part of a process of imitation of the candidate Marco Enriquez, whose father was a charismatic leader of the MIR during the administration of Dr. Allende. So Frei Ruiz Tagle is insisting on showing a guiding profile left again into the mass electoral consultation more dissatisfied and therefore more inclined to support the independent candidate.
campaign also is aimed at a duel with Marco Enríquez Ominami to get through to the second so we can get back the accumulation of votes from both candidates a chance to confront the conservative candidate of the alliance.
Sebastián Piñera is the leading candidate of the Alliance and the Coalition for Change. The entrepreneur who represents Chile's right to his last chance this policy to be president of Chile, as in 2005 and lost the election to current President Michelle Bachelet. Sebastián Piñera is the first time after the fall of Pinochet, the leader of the right trained according to the polls to be elected President. Despite leading in opinion polls, be seeing this nervous in these days of pre-campaign election. This is so because the sum of the other two candidates can destabilize the soil on which circulated as a high-speed train the Conservative candidate. We must remember that Piñera has been a leader capable of uniting for the first time, the various sectors of the conservative right, neocons, neo-liberal and Pinochet.
Moreover, Sebastián Piñera no longer be accused of lack of political experience because it takes a long political career as head of the alliance, national renewal and the various parliamentary structures of the Republic.
But perhaps its Achilles heel is in its relationship with business. Eduardo Frei recriminations in the last televised debate the lack of separation between 'politics and business, business and politics. " In this direction Piñera has much to defend: Talca Bank, LAN, Pharmaceutical.
1. The country, November 1, 2009
2. Grindle, M: Crisis and the state: Evidence from Latin America and Africa, in idem: Challenging the state, crisis and innovation in Latin America and Africa.
3. Touraine, A: Les Politiques national-populaires, in idem: Politique et Societe at American Latino.
4. Roett, R The Foreign Policy of Latin America, in Foreign policy in world politics, Marcridis R, ed.
5. Interview with Michelle Bachelet, November 1, 2009, the country.
6. The Economist (Sept, 17th, 2009)
7. El Mercurio, Santiago, October 28, 2009
